Saturday, October 5, 2019
Discussion Questions Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words - 19
Discussion Questions - Essay Example This difference has caused social and economic changes in Europe and United States, which include aging population, changing role of women in the labor force, changing family structure, and demographic shifts towards urbanization (Bloom, Canning & Fink, 2008, 15). Labor force is expected to increase but due to changes in age participation rates and low fertility, youth dependency is lowered and female participation in the labor force increases. Economic growth apace and aging population proliferates due to betterment of health care. Thus, to stabilize and increase populations, developed countries focused on behavioral and economic responses that would aid in the betterment of health of working individuals to improve economic growth (Bloom, Canning & Fink, 2008, 1). 2. You are studying the community of a small pond and discover two similar species of fish. You believe they may be competitors, but you want scientific evidence to support or refute this idea. How would you conduct research, including studies you might carry out and findings you would expect if your hypothesis were true? Explain. Answer: To support the belief that two similar species of fish can be competitors, a research should be conducted and started through review of literatures, studies, and theoretical bases as these would provide the strong foundation for the study. For instance, Helfman, Collette, Facey & Bowen (2009) support the idea that members of the same species (like fishes) can compete with the resources and is called intraspecific competition (542). Researcher might carry out an experimental type of research observing two set ups – two same species of fish and two different species of fish to differentiate existence of competition or to assess the degree of competition between two set ups. The existence of competition even with the same species is the expected
Friday, October 4, 2019
Oedipus the King and Oedipus at Colonus Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1000 words
Oedipus the King and Oedipus at Colonus - Essay Example When Jocasta conceived and had a baby, it turned out to be a boy (Bartleby.com). Laius tried to stop the prophecy by piercing the baby’s legs and binding them then leaving him for death up at a mountain. A shepherd on his own errand picked up the baby and took him to his king back home, King Polybius of Corinth (Jebb). Polybus named the picked baby boy Oedipus which held the meaning of swollen foot. He raised the child as his own; hence Oedipus grew up a normal being knowing that his real father was Polybius and not having the slightest idea of his own identity of fate. Oedipus grew up normally, and when he got to his adulthood, he decided to consult the Oracle of Delphi to know about the future that lay for him like any normal man. He learnt about his prophesied life from the oracle, and it was the same prophesy that had been told to his father. The problem was that the oracle did not tell him who his real father was, so him knowing that Polybus was his real father and trying to avoid killing him, he left. He left for Thebes so that he would be away from his ‘father’ Polybius and avoid prophesy, and with that, he thought he would avoid it all (Crane). On his way to Thebes, Oedipus met with pilgrims who were on their own way heading to Delphi. He asked the pilgrims to get out of his way so that he would pass and continue with his journey, but they refused. Having refused to yield to his demand, out of rage he killed all the pilgrims. What he did not know was that his biological father was the leader of the crew of the pilgrims. He had fulfilled part of the prophesy by murdering Laius his biological father mistakenly. He thought and felt nothing about his act of having killed the pilgrims and carried on with his journey. When he got to Thebes, he got that Thebes had problems of its own (Unit 3: Athenian Drama, ppt). There was a sphinx which had stationed herself outside the gated of Thebes and was posing a riddle to everyone. The riddle was à ¢â‚¬ËœWhat has four legs in the morning, two in the afternoon and three in the evening?’ The sphinx put it clearly that would anyone answer correctly; she would leave, and if not she would eat the unfortunate person. When Oedipus got to Thebes, so far no one had managed to answer the riddle appropriately, so he tried his luck and guessed that the answer was man. He got the riddle correct, and the sphinx left which made the people filled with so much joy that they made Oedipus king. As king, he married the sitting queen who happened to be Jocasta. The full prophesy had come to pass; Oedipus had murdered his biological father and wedded his own mother. Oedipus and the queen Jocasta got married and had four children, Polynices, Antigone, Etocles and Ismene. A plague then happened to hit the city of Thebes, and was to stop until the earlier king passes away. Lauis’ murderer had been avenged. Oedipus swore that he would kill those guilty of the murder once he knew them. What he did not know was that he was the guilty murderer of Lauis. They tried to solve the mystery as much as they could, but to no avail; hence they consulted the great seer, Tiserias. Tiserias told them the truth about the whole prophecy, who it involved and what had really happened. Jocasta was so horrified about the revelation that she committed suicide through hanging herself and Oedipus gorged out his personal eyes, limiting and banishing himself. Oedipus at Colonus After banishing himself from Thebes, Oedipus leaves with his daughter
Thursday, October 3, 2019
Transition From Authoritian Rule In Argentina Essay Example for Free
Transition From Authoritian Rule In Argentina Essay The transition of governments between various systems of rule is an on-going and never-ending process. Every geopolitical entity in the world is under some form of government, be it barbarian or advanced, and no two governmental systems function in exactly the same way.  The system of government used in a certain area, territory or country is highly dependant upon the experience of those governed with the systems of governments in place in the past. Because of the unique occurrences in history, no two entities will experience periods of transition between various forms of government in exactly the same way. Even those countries that are geographically close and share similar histories will experience differing periods of transition. Although great differences exist, however, many similarities can also be drawn between nations that are seemingly worlds apart. After World War II, both Argentina and Brazil experienced periods of authoritarian rule. Both nations came under authoritarian rule and later evolved from authoritarian rule in differing manners. Therefore, through the practice of drawing contrasts and comparisons, it becomes apparent in what ways the current practice of democracy in Brazil and Argentina is different because of each country’s former experience with authoritarian rule. Introduction Although close geographically, Argentina and Brazil experienced vastly different evolutions in their form of governance in the period following World War II. Because the similarity in the governmental history of Argentina and Brazil lies in their shared experience of authoritarian rule, it is important, first, to understand the ramifications of that form of government. The Merriam-Webster online dictionary defines the term â€Å"authoritarian†by describing it as â€Å"of, relating to, or favoring a concentration of power in a leader or an elite not constitutionally responsible to the people†. (Merriam-Webster, 2007) To interpret this definition within the bounds of the research question at hand, it is important to draw out two portions of that definition. First, consider the phrase â€Å"concentration of power†. Unlike decentralized power that spreads rule amongst many, authoritarian rule places all power squarely upon the minority in power. Next, the key phrase most important in defining â€Å"authoritarian†is that the concentrated power is held by â€Å"a leader or an elite†. Again, this is the minority that holds a majority of the power. Finally, consider the phrase that authoritarian rule is â€Å"not constitutionally responsible to the people†. This could indicate that the government is not duly elected by the people through a constitutionally-defined format, or that once elected, there are no checks and balances by which a full accounting of activities can be demanded by the people. To further fully explore both similarities and differences in the affect of authoritarian rule on later rule, it is important to define the difference between democratization of a nation and liberalization of a nation, because both political processes affect populations in a vastly different manner. According to Wikipedia, democratization â€Å"is the transition from an authoritarian or a semi-authoritarian political system to a democratic political system†. (Wikipedia, 2007) In contrast, liberalization â€Å"refers to a relaxation of previous government restrictions, usually in areas of social or economic policy†. (Wikipedia, 2007) It is possible, therefore, for democratization and liberalization to work hand in hand as a geopolitical entity transitions its form of government away from authoritarian rule, but it is not necessarily true that one requires the other. For example, a country can simply relax its set governmental activities without actual changing its form of rule. Authors Guillermo ODonnell and Philippe C. Schmitter state in their work entitled â€Å"Transitions from Authoritarian Rule: Tentative Conclusions about Uncertain Democracies†that â€Å"liberalization can exist without democratization†. (O’Donnell Schmitter, 10) But while liberalization does not necessarily need democratization, the authors go on to state that â€Å"in all experiences examined, the attainment of political democracy was preceded by a significant, if unsteady, liberalization†. (O’Donnell Schmitter, 10) Therefore, the true difference between liberalization and democratization must consider the influence one has upon the other. To understand the state of politics in South America today, one must first understand the basis from which it has evolved, and then its process for evolution. This paper will first examine the varying forms of governance in Argentina and Brazil prior to authoritarian rule. Next this paper will study how authoritarian rule came into being in Argentina and Brazil. Further, this paper will explore how authoritarian rule in Argentina and Brazil gave way to other forms of governance. And finally, the present-day political climate will be examined in both Argentina and Brazil, in light of the history from which both countries have evolved. Argentina vs. Brazil: Governance Prior to Authoritarian Rule            Argentina and Brazil became independent nations in 1816 and 1822 respectively. During this similar time period, Argentina separated from Spanish rule, while Brazil broke from the rule of the Portuguese. Both countries, according to the CIA World Factbook, were both heavily influenced by European powers, both at their period of separation and to the present day.  In South America, Brazil is the largest nation, and currently the most populous. Argentina’s political and societal history was largely shaped by Italian and Spanish immigrants that continued to stream in until the 1930s. (CIA World Factbook, 2007) The forms of government employed by Argentina and Brazil differed, however, after each nation was granted its independence and before the institution of authoritarian rule. Both nations separated from countries with forms of government far different than they, themselves, would adopt.            Author David Rock, in his work entitled Argentina in the Twentieth Century, explains that â€Å"the period between 1890 and 1930 in Argentina marked the rise to a position of national dominance of one of Argentinas leading political parties, the Unià ³n Cà vica Radical, or Radicalism†. (Rock, 66) Conservative rule in Argentina gave way to the rule of the Radical party in 1916, and it is that party that ruled until being overthrown in favor of an authoritarian government in 1930.  Rock states that â€Å"At one time it was thought simply that Radicalism was the political vehicle for the Argentine middle classes. However, more recently it has been shown that the partys origins are to be traced to a coalition between the middle classes and segments of the land-based elite†. (Rock, 67) A coalition between the middle classes thought to be the backbone of the Radical Party and the â€Å"land-based elite†is significant, because it was the â€Å"land-based elite†that were in rule as a conservative power both before the Radical party took control in 1916 and after it was overthrown in 1930.            Despite an apparent coalition between dissimilar factions, the CIA World Factbook reports that â€Å"up until about the mid-20th century, much of Argentinas history was dominated by periods of internal political conflict between Federalists and Unitarians and between civilian and military factions†. (CIA World Factbook, 2007) This conflict refers both to the transfers of power in 1916 and 1930 as well as the strife that continued in the intervening period of fourteen years. While the Radical party was in power, Argentina enjoyed a policy of free trade, allowing a strong exporting economy to develop and aiding in the financial development of the country. The tie between the middle-class bases and the â€Å"land-based elite†can be illustrated even in this policy of free trade, as Rock states that â€Å"this system was undermined by the inherent tendency of the primary export economy to concentrate economic power and opportunities narrowly in the hands of the landed groups and foreign capital†. (Rock, 68) Despite progress made in the advancement of the interests of Brazil during the period prior to 1930, the overall stability of the Radical party’s governance was shaky at best, and laid the ground work for transition to authoritarianism in 1930.            Brazil employed a more representative form of government earlier on than Argentina, when a republic was established in 1889. The republic of Brazil, formally named the Republic of the United States of Brazil by the constitution drafted and enacted in 1891, was lead by a constitutionally democratic government that employed a twist – unlike a traditional democracy, such as the United States, the original leaders during this period of time in Brazil were not elected popularly. Instead, power was seized during a coup d’etat and leaders were appointed. Wikipedia develops the important point that during this period of time, the government of Brazil decentralized and â€Å"restored autonomy to the provinces†. (Wikipedia, 2007) The major challenge to the ruling party of Brazil prior to 1930 was one of legitimacy: â€Å"how could an illegal, treasonous act (the coup d’etat) establish a legal political order?† (Wikipedia, 2007) Unlike in Argentina, where a disparity between the â€Å"land-based elite†and those without land led to the government’s eventual overthrow, Brazil’s future can be seen by the fact that the rise of the Republic also led to the strengthening of the state-sponsored Army – the same Army that would precipitate the turn to authoritarian rule in the 1930s.            Although a Republic, albeit with initial leaders installed instead of elected, future Brazilian elections did not enjoy the popular support of the people as was seen elsewhere, notably Argentina. As the road was traveled towards authoritarian rule, â€Å"throughout the 1920s, only between 2.3% and 3.4% of the total population voted.† (Wikipedia, 2007) Hardly, then, a representative government, Brazil continued to struggle with the question of the legitimacy of its republic. With that low participation recorded, any decisions made by the government feel to criticism and skepticism. Although this question of legitimacy would ultimately hurt the concept of a constitutional democracy during that period of time, the Army continued to strengthen with its power checked only nominally by the government and the people.            Argentina and Brazil share similarities and differences in their history prior to the 1930s. One notably similarity is the continued instability of government that ensued during the period prior to the transition to authoritarian rule. This is tempered, however, by differing causes for instability; notably dissention between the ruling party and the landed, in Argentina, and the ruling part and military factions, in Brazil. Like Argentina, Brazil enjoyed wealth through exportation during the period prior to 1930. Unlike Argentina, however, Brazil failed to account for the agricultural needs of its own countrymen before exportation, and thus was forced to import many products. These factors all lead to the laying of the path to authoritarianism.  Argentina vs. Brazil: How Authoritarian Governments Came into Power One of the leading exportation products of Brazil prior to 1930 was coffee. After the crash of the American stock market in 1929, the Great Depression experienced in North American had a trickle-down affect on the economies of South America. The prices paid for coffee, and thus the revenue gained from the exportation of coffee, was slashed by one third initially and later by two thirds. With such a gross decline in profitability, the exportation economy as a whole was affected. Any money held in reserve by the government to equalize pricing was tapped and emptied. And thus, the country of Brazil was ripe for revolution. (Wikipedia, 2007) Revolution came in 1930 when Getulio Dornelles Vargas came to power in a legitimate election gained through strategic alliances throughout Brazil. A non-bloody revolution, the changeover was simply one of ideologies. Vargas’ rule was to be one interim in nature – during his fifteen years in power, his rule gradually became less open and more repressive. Wikipedia characterizes this change in his pattern of rule as â€Å"‘a legal hybrid’ between the regimes of Mussolinis Italy and Salazars Portuguese Estado Nà ´vo, copied repressive fascist tactics, and conveyed their same rejection of liberal capitalism, but attained power baring few indications of his future quasi-fascist polices†. (Wikipedia, 2007} While in power, Vargas thoroughly rejected the values of Communism – they were in direct contrast with his support of the landed elite – and instead espoused the fascist notions that would help to lock in and retain the power he had grown as the leader of Brazil. The decentralization that had occurred in Brazil before 1930 was gradually eroded, laying open the path to authoritarian rule. The policies enacted by Vargas included the enactment of â€Å"one of the highest tariffs in the world and constructed a heavily regulated and increasingly centralized economy†. (Rock, 16) David Rock, in his work entitled Latin America in the 1940s, went on to outline that Brazil and nearby Argentina experienced changes in economies during the time of World War II, stating that â€Å"although they could no longer import capital goods and raw materials, the industrial producers of Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Mexico, and other countries managed to increase production†. (Rock, 18) As such, both Argentina and Brazil benefited by the demands of war. The turn to authoritarianism between the two countries would differ, however, in the way in which military regimes lead to the transfer of power. Philippe Faucher, in his work entitled â€Å"Authoritarian Capitalism: Brazils Contemporary Economic and Political Development†, states that â€Å"when the dictatorship first came to power [in Brazil] it appeared that it would follow the same course as other military dictatorships†. (Faucher, 11) This was not to be the case, however. Army strength built in Brazil for many years, both pre- and post-World War II. But it would not be until 1964 that a military power decisively came to power in Brazil, many years after the start of rumblings in 1930. In between, militaristic periods ensued, interspersed with periods of quasi-democratic rule. In 1964, Marshal Humberto de Alencar Castelo Branco, then Brazil’s Army Chief of Staff, came to power. He skillfully dealt with challenges to his power by making many changes to the government, including removing long-serving governors and representatives and adding power to the presidency. Although his intent was solely to limit challenges, he instead installed the groundwork for a military dictatorship. Wikipedia states that his measures â€Å"provided the successor governments of Marshal Artur da Costa e Silva (1967–69) and General Emà lio Garrastazu Mà ©dici (1969–74) with a basis for authoritarian rule†. (Wikipedia, 2007) Meanwhile, in Argentina, a coup d’etat was enacted, quite in contrast with the bloodless transitions of power in Brazil. Authors Benjamin Most and Lynne Rienner, in their work entitled â€Å"Changing Authoritarian Rule and Public Policy in Argentina, 1930-1970†, state that the military coup of 1930 â€Å"ended middle-class rule in Argentina and reestablished the political domination of Argentinas conservative, export-oriented landed elites and their allies among the export-related industrialists.† (Most Rienner, 46) While Brazil bounced between authoritarian and quasi-democratic rule for more than three decades, Argentina entered a period, in 1930, of different forms of authoritarian government. This period would last until the mid 1970s. It is important to look at the variety of forms of authoritarianism that prevailed in Argentina during this 40 year period, as it is indicative of the basic needs and desires of the Argentinean population during that time. Most and Rienner, outlining another work of Guillermo O’Donnell, delineate that Argentina experienced periods of traditional authoritarian rule, populist authoritarian rule, non-dominant rule, and bureaucratic-authoritarian rule. During those four periods, the dominant coalition was first export industrialists, then domestic industrialists, then non-dominant coalitions, and finally      more militaristic rule. Interestingly, Most and Rienner, quoting O’Donnell, show the beginning of more militaristic rule in 1966, coinciding with Brazil’s own turn towards militaristic rule. Although history shows the first strongly authoritarian rule in Brazil to have been military-affiliated, the comparison does not draw to Argentinean rule.  Instead, power couple Juan and Eva Peron, who would later be fictionalized and characterized in the stage and film productions of Evita, were the most noted rulers during authoritarian rule in Argentina. Most and Rienner state that the populist coalition – an authoritarian government that sought to identify with the masses – was â€Å"mobilized and dominated†by Juan Peron. Peron ruled until being overthrown by a militarily-influenced regime in 1955, shortly after terrible droughts affected the country and also shortly the death of his wife, Eva. One can almost hear the strains of â€Å"Don’t Cry for Me, Argentina†when contemplating the fate of that nation after the change in regime in 1955. Instead, the period from 1955 until 1966 proved to be almost without notably occurrence, as no strong leadership emerged. Although authoritarian rule lasted yet several decades longer, the instability begun in 1955 would begin the way out of authoritarian rule in Argentina. Similarly, continued instability in Brazil would lead to the same, albeit later than the emergence of Argentina from authoritarian rule. Argentina vs. Brazil: How Authoritarian Governments Gave Way to Other Governance            Powerful to varying extents in Argentina and Brazil, the time nevertheless came for authoritarian rule to end in both countries. Like their descent into and experience with authoritarian rule, Argentina and Brazil left behind the constraints of that form of government in varying manners and with varying levels of difficulty. Indeed, the most marked difference in the changes in rule in Argentina and Brazil is the steps and timelines followed by each in the 1970s and 1980s.            Authors Juan J. Linz and Alfred Stepan note the following in their work entitled â€Å"Problems of Democratic Transition and Consolidation: Southern Europe, South America, and Post-Communist Europe†: â€Å"Brazil has experienced the most difficulty in consolidating democracy†. (Linz Stepan, 166) Linz and Stepan go on after that telling statement to breakdown a variables in Brazil that could have lead to its difficulty in transitioning, but arrive at the conclusion that those variables – including overwhelming debt and the affect of military rule – are not so significantly different than situations faced by other transitioning governments so as to set Brazil apart.  Instead, they arrive at a separate conclusion: that â€Å"the major distinctive problem in Brazil concerns our variable of the political economy of legitimacy†. (Linz Stepan, 166) As alluded to in the section dealing with Brazil’s governmental type dating to the beginning of the twentieth century, the largest stumbling block was one of legitimacy. Through regime after regime, leader after leader, Brazil continued to experience a strong enough, popularly backed official to bring an aura of legitimacy to its government.            A further stumbling block to Brazil in their quest to realize a democratic rule after the end of authoritarianism was the fact that historically, Brazil â€Å"had the least structured system of political parties†, in comparison to other South American countries studied. (Linz Stepan, 167) This lack of structure was clearly illustrated by the continual bouncing between authoritarian and non-authoritarian rule during the period following World War II. Because a coalition of any real strength failed to materialize to decisively lead Brazil out of the dark authoritarian rule and into the light of democracy, its transition period was prolonged. Finally, Linz and Stepan note that the constitution put into place in the late nineteenth century proved again to be inadequate in light of the caste-like society in Brazil, where the disparity between the classes was stark.            The question remains, then, as to how Brazil eventually did cast aside authoritarian rule in favor of democratization. The answer, it seems, resides in the differentiation of liberalization and democratization. Linz and Stepan note that â€Å"the Brazilian transition from authoritarianism began†¦[in] 1974†¦[and]was not completed until†¦1990†. (Linz Stepan, 167-168) Sixteen years of transition is demarcated by initial efforts made in 1974 by General Ernesto Geisel, who set out to institute â€Å"controlled liberalization†in order to aid the country in moving forward alongside South American neighbors then doing the same. Although liberalization was first introduced in the mid-1970s, democratization did not catch up for quite awhile. In the intervening years, many changes rocked Brazil, but a sign of true democratization was to come when in 1990, President Fernando Collor de Mello was directly and popularly elected by the people.            The movement of the people that made the direct and popular election of Mello possible in 1990 began in early 1984. As was characteristic of the entire Brazilian transition from authoritarian rule to democracy, the period of time necessary to enact change was lengthy. Linz and Stepan write that â€Å"from February to June 1984, Brazil experienced the most sustained and massive political movement in its history – the campaign for Directas Ja, or Direct Elections Now†. (Linz Stepan, 168)  Although significant portions of both the political and civil realms in Brazil were in favor of a change to a system of direct elections, and although, in fact, no major group voiced opposition to direct elections, the wheels of democratization turned slowly. The military regime then in place insisted upon exerting a final show of power, and thus the elections of 1985 – the first opportunity for a non-military government since 1964 – were still conducted by indirect vote. More political drama ensued when the elected president died before assuming office, and his vice-president served at the displeasure of many. Slow but not stopped, however, was the march towards full democracy, and so Mello was elected in 1990.            Linz and Stepan also spend significant time in analyzing the regime change from authoritarian rule to democracy in Argentina. One of the first similarities noted was that Argentina emerged from authoritarian rule, similarly to Brazil, by shedding the remains of military rule. While Brazil’s military rule uttered its dying gasp by blocking a direct election, Argentina saw a more-bloody grasp at remaining in power. Indeed, Linz and Stepan write that â€Å"while the overall regime lacked the coherence of ideology and organization of a totalitarian regime, many of the military’s statements about the need to exterminate their enemies had a totalitarian edge†. (Linz Stepan, 190)  In fact, more than â€Å"three hundred times more people per capita disappeared in Argentina than in Brazil†. (Linz Stepan, 190) While Brazil’s military may have created stumbling blocks, its leaders were at least working towards liberalization. In contrast, Argentina’s military rulers wanted no part in that initiative and sought to control power by eliminating the competition. A further contrast drawn by Linz and Stepan was that â€Å"the military never created parties or held elections as in Brazil†. (Linz Stepan, 190) Indeed, while the rule in Brazil was farsighted and thought out an eventual change in rule, the Argentinean model of military rule sought to hold tight to power for as long as possible without regard to the benefits that may be inherent in change.            Linz and Stepan outline five consequences of the fact that the military held so tightly to power, and in fact was able to stay in power for a full eighteen months after their defeat. First, the span of eighteen months between defeat and the secession of power meant â€Å"the possibility of revolutionary policies was precluded†. (Linz Stepan, 192) Second, although the military in its dying gasp held on to power far longer than anticipated, it was weakened by a fear of conflict caused internally. This fear was rightfully backed by practicality – for any hope of power to remain, any internal division would be deadly. Third, the continued show of power by the military was rebutted when the incoming regime prosecuted military officers vigorously for human rights violations. Fourth, the violence exhibited by the military against any adversaries tarnished any future hope of partnerships with the incoming democratic government. And finally, the prosecution of military officers almost led to an undoing of the democratic process, as uprising after uprising by other military officers drew President Raul Alfonsin’s attention away from other critical issues and forced concessions that reflected poorly on a newly-democratic government.            Although tenuous at the start, the turmoil experienced in both Brazil and Argentina was weathered by the democratic governments so longed for during authoritarian rule. Authors Stephan Haggard and Robert R. Kaufman offer insight as to why democratization was such an arduous process in Argentina and Brazil, saying that â€Å"in non-crisis circumstances, incumbent authoritarian leaders tend to enjoy greater leverage†. (Haggard Kaufman, 78) Obviously, the leverage for the authoritarian leaders in Argentina and Brazil suffered because crises did occur, including financial downfalls that caused the economies of both countries to suffer. But perhaps those crises were in fact beneficial, in providing the impetus necessary for regime change to occur. Argentina vs. Brazil: Today’s Political Climate            In present-day Brazil, the CIA World Factbook lists the type of government as federative republic. In fact, the formal name for the nation is the Federative Republic of Brazil. The current constitution was enacted in 1988 towards the end of rule by the last non-directly elected ruler. Interestingly, in a nation that once experienced dismal election turnout rates, voting is now required between the ages of 18 and 70, with the exception of military conscripts, who do not vote. Similarly to the United States, presidential elections are held now every four years. On the economic front, a country once plagued by enough debt to threaten a complete collapse of government is now growing at a rate of 2.2% per year. The Factbook quotes that while domestic and international economic shocks have affected the overall economy, the fact â€Å"that Brazil absorbed these shocks without financial collapse is a tribute to the resiliency of the Brazilian economy.† (CIA World Factbook, 2007) Each president elected since 1990 has introduced initiatives to further strengthen the economy.            To understand the full extent of where Brazil is politically today, one must first understand the type of government now in rule. The basic tenet of a federative republic is that the popularly elected president is both the head of state and head of government. The election of presidents and legislators is enabled by a multiparty system in a federative republic. In current-day Brazil, this multiparty system is exhibited by the fact that more than one dozen political parties are currently represented in the legislature, and the president and vice-president were elected from separate political parties. Although the legislative and executive branches of the government work closely together, the judiciary is set apart. In looking for a cause for this separation of the third wheel of government, it can be presumed that it is to ensure complete independence in the rulings handed down and that those rulings are not influenced by ruling members of the legislature or the president himself. After so many years of military rule interspersed with weak quasi-democratic rule, it can be easily seen that the setting apart of the judiciary is a stabilizing move.            The present-day government of Argentina has developed similarly to that of Brazil. In a slight departure, the CIA World Factbook lists Argentina as simply a republic instead of a federative republic. More practically stated, Argentina is currently a representative democracy. Unlike Brazil, the current constitution in Argentina was the one originally enacted in 1853; it has, however, been amended numerous times. In a very similar electoral process to Brazil, presidential and vice presidential candidates are elected to four year terms. Also similarly to Brazil, the president is both the head of state and head of government. A final similarity is that voting is also compulsory for anyone above the age of 18.            The roots of today’s Argentinean government can be more clearly seen in the history of Argentina than can be traced in Brazil. One of the two largest political parties in power today is the Radical Civic Union, which formerly ruled in Argentina from 1916-1930. The efforts of this party and the popular support among the masses have sustained its power throughout more than a century from its founding in 1890 and its cause of supporting and enhancing the well-being of the middle class remains relevant in the current political climate.  The other of the two largest political parties also has a clear historical tie. Called the Partido Justicialista, or Judicialist Party, the platform arose from the efforts of overthrown Juan Peron and his efforts â€Å"to expand the role of labor in the political process†during the 1940s. (Wikipedia, 2007) Once a country divided by vast differences in social classes, the two largest political parties now place utmost emphasis on the middle and working classes.            Brazil and Argentina both enjoy a bicameral legislature composed very similar to that of the House of Representatives and Senate of the United States of America. In Brazil, the legislature is called the Congresso Nacional, or National Congress. The two houses of legislature within are called the Senado Federal or Federal Senate, and the Camara dos Deputados or Chamber of Deputies. The members of the Senate serve eight year terms, with one-third elected during the first four year election and two-thirds elected during the second four year election. Three Senators are selected from each Federal district, totaling 81 altogether. The Chamber of Deputies are elected to four year terms and represent their Federal district proportionate to population, totaling 513 altogether. The vast number of political parties represented in the Brazilian government is a sure sign of the people that they want to ensure representation for all – representation that was missing during period of authoritarian rule in Brazil’s history. The Argentinean legislative branch is set up and named in the same way as Brazil, with slight variances occurring in the number of representatives and length of terms.. The Senate of Argentina boasts 72 representatives elected to six-year terms, with one-third up for election every other year. The Chamber of Deputies in Argentina counts 257 representatives who are elected to four year terms, with half up for election every other year.            The judiciary, as mentioned prior, is set apart in terms of rule from the other two bodies of government in Brazil. It is not quite so separate in Argentina. In both countries, members of the Supreme Court are appointed by the president for life and confirmed by the legislature. In Brazil, however, life ends at 70; at that age, judges are mandatorily retired. On key difference in the appointment of judges between Brazil and Argentina is that judges in Argentina can be deposed by the legislature; this is not the case in Brazil.            A lasting legacy in Argentina is the current role of the military in overall society. Having experienced gross tyranny under military rule for so many years and with bloodshed that affected such a wide population, there is understandable fear of an overly powerful military. Therefore, the military is â€Å"firmly under civilian control†. (Wikipedia, 2007) Once a force that completely disregarded human rights and sought only to maintain the largest extent of power possible, the Argentinean military is now a greatly downsized force with only volunteer soldiers. Conscription in the Argentinean military was abolished in 2001, further giving control to the civilian sector. The history of Brazil speaks more kindly to the rule of military forces, and as such, the influence of the military on the present-day democracy of Brazil is different from that experienced in Argentina. Conscription in the Brazilian military is still compulsory; males between the ages of 21 and 45 must serve a term of between nine and twelve months, but can volunteer for this service as young as 17. Women are also allowed and encouraged to serve in the armed forces of Brazil. At any given time, 33 million men and 38 million women are deemed fit for military service; only a small percentage of that actually serve at any given time. This figure is roughly five times the number of men and women in Argentina considered fit for service. Brazil also outspends Argentina in the upkeep of military forces by a ratio of two to one. This may change in the future, however, as the continually stabilizing economy of Argentina launched what is called â€Å"plan 2000†in 2005 to make its forces more prepared for any needs the country requires. (CIA World Factbook, 2007) Conclusion            By all appearances, the governments of Argentina and Brazil have successfully transitioned out of authoritarian rule and into democratic bodies. This transition, as illustrated by the many examples of this paper, has not come easily or quickly. Both nations experienced much strife in the twentieth century, which has carried on some levels into the twenty-first century. In the end, however, the power of the people prevailed in both countries, and democracy changed from a fleeting form of government experienced only sporadically in the past to a strong form of rule which has a secure future. The future of both Argentina and Brazil is not pre-determined, however, any more than the various forms of rule in the past was pre-determined. Instead, continued struggles will ensue as the democracies in place grow and age and are tested by circumstances yet unforeseen. In Brazil, the democracy is still only just over twenty years old, and only a few years older in Argentina. By comparison, when the democracy of the United States of America was just over thirty years old, a war was being fought with the former mother-land in the War of 1812; when the democracy of the United States of America was just under 100 years old, a civil war was fought that proved to be the toughest challenge to the future of democracy ever though possible. And yet the United States of American has prevailed with a democracy considered the strongest in the world. As the democracies of Brazil and Argentina age to thirty, forty, fifty and a hundred years old, challenges will arise to test legitimacy and strength of power. However, Brazil and Argentina took a far different path to democracy than did the United States of America. Because of the trials and turmoil already experienced through authoritarian rule, it is likely that the governments of Argentina and Brazil will be well-prepared to take on the challenges of the future. It is in looking forward that it becomes necessary to define one further term: that of foresight. Foresight can be defined as using the lessons of the past with the realities of the present to plan for the future. Both Brazil and Argentina are steeped in rich lessons of past forms of governmental rule; by remembering those histories and tempering them with current circumstances, the nations will be well-equipped to face the future. Those futures will likely continue on different paths, however, based again on lessons and examples of the past. Most importantly, the future of democracy, similarly to the current practice of democracy in Brazil and Argentina, will continue to differ because of each country’s former experience with authoritarian rule. References Argentina. (2007) CIA World Factbook Retrieved electronically April 7, 2007 from https://www.cia.gov/cia/publications/factbook/geos/br.html. Bruneau, T.C., Faucher, P. (Eds.). (1981). Authoritarian Capitalism: Brazil’s Contemporary Economic and Political Development. Boulder: Westview Press. Brazil. (2007). CIA World Factbook. Retrieved electronically April 7, 2007 from https://www.cia.gov/cia/publications/factbook/geos/br.html. Democratization. (2007).Wikipedia. Retrieved electronically on April 7, 2007 from http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/ Democratization. Haggard, S. Kaufman, R. (1999). The Political Economy of Democratic Transitions. In â€Å"Transitions to Democracy†, ed. Lisa Anderson. New York: Columbia University Press. History of Brazil, 1889-1930. (2007). Wikipedia. Retrieved electronically on April 7, 2007 from http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/History_of_Brazil_(1889-1930). History of Brazil, 1930-1945. (2007). Wikipedia. Retrieved electronically on April 7, 2007 from http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/History_of_Brazil_(1830-1945). History of Brazil, 1945-1964. (2007). Wikipedia. Retrieved electronically on April 7, 2007 from http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/History_of_Brazil_(1945-1964). Liberalization. (2007). Wikipedia. Retrieved electronically on April 7, 2007 from http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Liberalization. Linz, J.J. Stepan, A. (1996). Problems of Democrative Transition and Consolidation: Southern Europe, South America, and Post-Communist Europe. Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press. Merriam-Webster’s Online Dictionary. (2007). Retrieved electronically on April 7, 2007 from http://www.webster.com/dictionary/. Most, B. A. (1991). Changing Authoritarian Rule and Public Policy in Argentina, 1930-1970. Boulder: Lynne Rienner Publishers. O’Donnell, G. Schmitter, P.C. (1986). Transition from Authoritarian Rule: Tentative Conclusions about Uncertain Democracies. Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press. Politics of Argentina. (2007). Wikipedia. Retrieved electronically April 7, 2007 from http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Politics_of_ Argentina. Politics of Brazil. (2007). Wikipedia. Retrieved electronically April 7, 2007 from http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Politics_of_Brazil. Rock, D. (Ed.). (1975). Argentina in the 20th Century. London: Gerald Duckworth Co. Ltd. Rock, D. (Ed.). (1994) Latin America in the 1940s: War and Postwar Transitions. Berkeley: University of California Press.
Financing Shipping companies
Financing Shipping companies There are several advantages for a shipping company to outsource a particular service or department. The main advantages with outsourcing are better cost control, lower risk and the outside suppliers expertise. Better cost control is achieved because outsourcing leads to less fixed costs and more variable costs. This means that the company in the short term is more flexible, and able to adjust costs faster and in some cases with less hassle. Outsourcing a service or department also lowers the need for an initial investment by removing the capital injection necessary for establishing a department/service. Less fixed costs and less long term fixed assets means lower risk for the company. In economical theory there also is an general opinion that outsourcing in many cases leads to cost reductions, due to a small internal department within the company not having the same degree of expertise as a bigger outside supplier and therefore not being able to deliver the services at a competitive cost. This lack of expertise compared to the outside supplier that specialises in the segment might also lead to a lower quality of service if the work is kept in house. With regards to expertise there also is a big advantage in that the company can keep focus on their core business where they have the necessary know-how and stay clear of outside disturbance. There are however also disadvantages with outsourcing. The main problem is loss of control due to the company not having the same supervision over the work being done. Another problem is that the outside supplier might not be able to adjust the service as well as an inside department after the companys needs at any given time. The degree of the advantages/disadvantages with outsourcing varies greatly with the complexity of the work that has to be done, the potential savings and the importance of in-house supervision. A certain degree of outsourcing of services will always exist i.e. transportation for a companys employees, postal services, big IT reforms etc. Solstad has decided to keep outsourcing at a minimum and integrated shipping operations are a part of the companys philosophy[1]. The company manages the total operation of the vessels[2], and have a large onshore support mechanism which includes freight, crewing, accounting, chartering, technical, and other administrative functions. The company is nevertheless open to outsourcing services and will evaluate whether it is possible to achieve more cost effective operations and an optimal return on capital employed in cooperation with new suppliers with a view to long-term strategic co-operations[3]. Such collaboration is also evaluated with regard to risk and capital injection. How has your company financed its vessels? Explain advantages and disadvantages by such financing. It isnt possible to find public information on how most of the specific vessels have been financed. However according to a news article in Skipsrevyen[4] about the acquisition of the M/S Normand Seven, the long term financing for that vessel is provided by Eksportfinans in cooperation with Nordea Bank, Fokus Bank and Danmarks Skibskredit AS. The companys balance sheet doesnt show in detail to whom the long term liabilities is owed, so to answer the question we will have to assume that the financing of the M/S Normand Seven is representative of how Solstad normally finances its fleet. As of the end of 2008 the company have long term fixed assets in vessels and new buildings of 7.289.858.000 NOK[5]. This equals just over 70% of the companys total assets of 10.213.357.000. The assets are financed with a total equity of 3.697.624.000 and total liabilities of 6.515.734.000. Out of the total liabilities long term loans to credit institutions/leasing obligations amounts to 4.831.208.000. In economic theory an equity ratio of 30 % is generally considered healthy, and the company also states in the annual report that the aim is to be financed by the owners (equity) with a ratio higher than 30 %. The total equity in percentage of total assets in 2008 was 36%, well above the companys goal. The companys equities are important when you need to raise capital from outside sources, as it may provide security for the lenders. Assuming that the financing of M/S Normand Seven is representative for the entire fleet the long term liabilities is provided by commercial banks like Nordea bank, Fokus bank, and Danmarks Skibskredit as well as government backed ship credit schemes like Eksportfinans. According to the annual report some of the fleet is also financed by leasing agreements. The advantages in getting mortgage-backed loans from commercial banks are that capital can be raised quickly and flexibly, while the owner is still left with full ownership of the business. The disadvantages by such financing is that commercial banks are uncomfortable with loans that are longer than 5-6 years[6] and often prefers to receive a balloon payment that might be difficult to handle for the shipping company. A leasing company is often more attractive if the borrower want longer finance than a commercial bank is willing or able to take onto their balance sheets. Eksportfinans also offers longer term finance than is usual for commercial banks, and offer repayment periods for up to 20 years[7]. Commercial banks normally take little risk and require a lot of security to protect their investment. According to the annual report[8] some vessels are placed as security for the mortgages. In addition, accounts receivables and bank deposits (2007) are tied. Solstads loan agreements are also subject to the owners working capital being positive at all times and that the market value of the vessels amounts to at least 110-125% of the outstanding loans. The company states that they satisfy all conditions of the loan agreements at 31.12.08[9]. Name three of the most important conventions your company must adhere to. Give reasons why those are among the most important ones. Solstad have ships registered in the Norwegian International Ship Register (NIS), Isle of Man Ship Registry (IOM), and the Norwegian Ship Register (NOR). Some of the criteria for NIS/IOM/NOR registered vessels are that they adhere to international conventions such as Safety of Life at Sea (SOLAS 74), Prevention of Pollution from Ships (MARPOL 73/78) and Standards of Training, Certification and Watch keeping (STCW 95) as well as other international regulations ratified by the flag states. Safety of Life at Sea (SOLAS 74) is the most important international treaty protecting the safety of merchant ships in the world. The first version of the treaty was passed as early as 1914 in response to the sinking of the Titanic.[10] It prescribed numbers of lifeboats and other emergency equipment along with safety procedures, including continuous radio watches. The intention had been to keep the convention up to date by periodic amendments, but a completely new convention was adopted in 1974. The convention regulates among other things use of the global maritime distress safety system, set construction criteria (subdivision and stability, machinery and electrical installations), fire protection/detection/extinction, obligatory life-saving appliances and arrangements, radio communications, safety of navigation etc. and is the centrepiece of maritime safety. Prevention of Pollution from Ships (MARPOL 73/78) is the main international convention covering prevention of pollution of the marine environment by ships from operational or accidental causes[11]. It was designed to minimize pollution of the seas, including dumping, oil and exhaust pollution. Its stated objective is to preserve the marine environment through the complete elimination of pollution by oil and other harmful substances and the minimization of accidental discharge of such substances. MARPOL contains 6 annexes, concerned with preventing different forms of marine pollution and covers pollution by oil, chemicals, harmful substances in packaged form, sewage, garbage and air pollution. The International Convention on Standards of Training, Certification and Watch keeping (STCW 95) sets qualification standards for masters, officers and watch personnel on seagoing merchant ships[12]. The aim of the convention was to introduce internationally acceptable minimum standards relating to training, certification and watchkeeping for officers and crew members. Today there are amendments concerning quality standards systems, oversight of training, certification procedures and rest period requirements. The amendments require that seafarers are provided with familiarization training and basic safety training which includes basic fire fighting, elementary first aid, personal survival techniques, and personal safety and social responsibility. This training is very important in ensuring that seafarers are aware of the hazards of working on a vessel and can respond appropriately in an emergency. Literature and references: Annual report (2008). Annual report 2008 Solstad Offshore ASA. Skudeneshavn. * Financial report (2009). 3rd quarter 2009 Solstad Offshore ASA. Skudeneshavn. Â · International Convention for the Prevention of Pollution from Ships (MARPOL) (1973). http://www.imo.org/Conventions/contents.asp?doc_id=678topic_id=258 International Convention for the Safety of Life at Sea (SOLAS) (1974). http://www.imo.org/Conventions/contents.asp?topic_id=257doc_id=647 International Convention on Standards of Training, Certification and Watchkeeping for Seafarers (STCW) (1978). http://www.imo.org/Conventions/contents.asp?doc_id=651topic_id=257 * Misje, M. (1989). Solstad rederi A/S 1964 1989. Skudeneshavn: Solstad Rederi. * Misje, M. (2004). Solstad rederi AS: 40 Ã ¥r 1964 2004. Haugesund: Nils Sund boktrykkeri. Presentation 3rd quarter (2009). Presentation 3rd quarter 2009 Solstad Offshore ASA. Skudeneshavn. Solstad Offshore ASA website. http://www.solstad.no * Stopford, M. (2009). Maritime economics 3rd edition. New York: Routledge. * Zachariassen, J. E. (2008, 21. April). M/S Â «NORMAND SEVENÂ ». Skipsrevyen. Eksportfinans website. http://www.eksportfinans.no/Bransjer/Skip.aspx [1] Annual report, page 2 [2] Annual report, page 13 [3] Annual report, page 13 [4] Zachariassen, 2008 [5] Annual report, page 26 [6] Stopford, 2009, page 284 [7] Eksportfinans website [8] Annual report, page 49 [9] Annual report, page 49 [10] International Convention for the Safety of Life at Sea (SOLAS), 1974 [11] International Convention for the Prevention of Pollution from Ships, 1973 [12] International Convention on Standards of Training, Certification and Watchkeeping for Seafarers, 1978
Wednesday, October 2, 2019
Calixta As the Ideal Woman of the 1800s in At The Cadian Ball by Kate
Calixta As the Ideal Woman of the 1800's in At The Cadian Ball by Kate Chopin â€Å"Calixta would be there†¦ That little Spanish vixen.†No matter what the age, there are certain types of women who seem to capture the attention of every man in the room. In the story At the ‘Cadian Ball by Kate Chopin, the protagonist Calixta is precisely that kind of a girl. She is an atypical female of her time. The ideal woman of the late 1800’s was demure, prim and restrained. She was the paragon of prudery, modesty personified. Then there was Calixta. Calixta was everything that the idealized ‘Madonna’ of her time was not. She was boldly flirtatious, impulsive, sensuous and altogether outrageous. For all these anomalous characteristics, she is admired in a fashion. Especially since society of the time is rather homogenous and has strict guidelines for behavior. The heavy racial preconceptions of the times are also evident in this story. The only reason Calixta’s scandalous behavior is tolerated by the community is in her ethnicity. Even so, the men do not seem to mind her behavior much. The women on the other hand did not always approve. â€Å"Bon chien tient de race†She was dismissed often leniently since her mother was Spanish. It did not matter that Calixta had never been to Cuba. The fact that Spanish blood flowed through her veins was enough for the people to automatically assume she was indecent. Perhaps Calixta was influenced by these preconceived expectations. Yet despite her shocking behavior, her indecency was innocent, and deliberate at the same time. Her taunts towards Bobinot, â€Å"Mais, w’at’s the matta? Standin’ plante la like ole ma’ame Tina’s cow in the bog you!†was deliberately provocative, however it came naturally to her. Since ... ...ixta is no exception. Alcee is intriguing for her; therefore, she pursues him, with harmless trifling and suggestions. She does not feel quite right unless there is someone admiring her, since Alcee is obviously not going to do that, she decides Bobinot is better than nothing is. Calixta’s conduct directly reflects her purposes. Despite the fact that she is distinctive in personality and manner she ends up marrying Bobinot. In essence, she does what all the women do, albeit in a different manner. She does take initiative in proposing marriage. However, the point is that she gets married. In the end, regardless of her outrageously coquettish behavior, she is like all other women and want what they have; the stability and love. Thus, she marries Bobinot whom she knows loves her. Unconventional conduct notwithstanding she conforms in a fashion and obeys the rules.
Ministers Black Veil Essays: Masks and Intimacy -- Ministers Black V
The Minister's Black Veil - Masks and Intimacy      The Minister's Black Veil begins with a young pastor, Mr. Hooper, arriving at church with an ugly black veil covering his face. The people are all dismayed, and wonder why he is wearing a black veil. They are further dismayed and confused, when he refuses to take it off--ever. There is only one person who is not horrified by his black veil--his wife-to-be, Elizabeth. She comes to him and says, "there is nothing terrible in this piece of crape, except that it hides a face which I am always glad to look upon. Come, good sir, let the sun shine from behind the cloud. First lay aside your black veil: then tell me why you put it on." (Heath 2143) Mr. Hooper smiles and replies, "There is an hour to come when all of us shall cast aside our veils. Take it not amiss, beloved friend, if I wear this piece of crape till then." (Heath 2143) Elizabeth, again, entreats him to remove the veil, but he replies, "this veil is a type and a symbol, and I am bound to wear it ever, both in light and darkness, in solitude and before the gaze of multitudes, and as with strangers, so with my familiar friends. No mortal eye will see it withdrawn. This dismal shade must separate me from the world: even you, Elizabeth, can never come behind it!" Elizabeth asks him what shall the people think of his veil? Won't it start a scandal? Mr. Hooper then replies, "If I hide my face for sorrow, there is cause enough, and if I cover it for secret sin, what mortal might not do the same?" (Heath 2143) Elizabeth begins to feel terror at the sight of the veil. She turns to leave the room, and Mr. Hooper cries, "Have patience with me, Elizabeth! Do not desert me, though this veil must be between us here on e... ... understanding, and healing. Mr. Hooper's veil ostracized him from the mercy, understanding and love, from his congregation. BIBLIOGRAPHY Kaul, A. N., (Ed.). (1966). "HAWTHORNE: A Collection of Critical Essays." Englewood Cliffs: Prentice-Hall, Inc. Levin, Harry., (Ed.). (1961) "The Scarlet Letter and Other Tales of the Puritans." Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company. Morris, Lloyd., "THE REBELLIOUS PURITAN: Portrait of Mr. Hawthorne." Port Washington: Kennikat Press. "The Heath Anthology of American Literature" (2nd ed.). Lexington: D.C. Heath and Company. Van Doren, Mark., (Ed.). (1951). "The Best of Hawthorne." New York: The Ronald Press Company. Waggoner, Hyatt H., "HAWTHORNE: A Critical Study." Cambridge: The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press. "World History and Cultures: In Christian Perspective." Pensacola: A Beka Book. Â
Tuesday, October 1, 2019
Marketing Essay
Crispy Crunch’s main problem is that they haven’t advertised their product in many years. Since then the target market has changed a lot and has a very high multi-tasking behaviour. It is hard to pin point the exact needs and wants of this culture anymore except for one thing, they are all very technologically routed. With the internet at our finger tips, TV whenever we want, and smartphones in everyone’s pocket. That is the only thing you can really count on this day in age. The chocolate bar market is mature and experiences only modest growth annually. There are 4 major players all with similar marketing strategies; find something unique in the product and promote it. Chocolate bars can be found in the same locations and are sold at very similar prices so they must use marketing communications to distinguish themselves. Crispy Crunch has had little to none in the last five years. Crispy Crunch’s goal is to break into the top ten again and increase market share from 3.5% to 4% within 12 months. The current awareness of Crispy Crunch is 35% among the target market, which must increase significantly in order to increase market share and profits. My main recommendation is to reach out to the target market using the only real linking factor among them; the internet. I think rich media is the best way to reach this audience because it makes use of technology and is available to audiences of many different tastes and lifestyles at all hours of the day. Search advertising is when an advertiser is listed within or alongside search results in exchange for paying a fee each time someone clicks on the listing in those search results. If Crispy Crunch were to apply that type of advertising they could buy such words as â€Å"chocolate†, â€Å"crispy†, or â€Å"delicious†. When someone searched a phrase with these words they would see Crispy Crunch’s ad. Pros This is a great way to advertise since you only play for the clicks you get. It is available 24/7 to a large audience and 80% of all internet traffic begins at a search engine. Cons This form of advertising can be an annoyance to consumers, therefore they become put off the product. Rich Media Rich media Incorporates animation, sound, video and interactivity into the advertising messages, like a short commercial. Marketers have found that a 10-second ad is the maximum acceptable length for an online video ad, and if it is to be viewed entirely it must be entertaining. Pros The similarity to television makes it attractive to traditional advertisers. Many TV shows are now being viewed online; these ads are often placed at the beginning, between scenes and at the end. They are available 24/7 to a large audience. Cons Sometimes it can be hard to make an ad interesting in that short of a time frame. Some viewers find these ads to be an annoyance. Mobile Advertising Advertisers are trying to capitalize on the popularity of cell phones by sending ads via text message. Marketers interested in reaching younger targets are getting involved with text messaging. They are asking consumers to get involved with their brands by running promotions that include short codes with their marketing material, often found on posters, packaging, bottle caps, etc. Consumers can enter or scan codes to participate in contests, download free music, and get ring tones and prizes. Pros This is a great way to advertise because of the speed, directness, portability, and low cost. It is very common with younger target markets. Cons These messages are often seen as an annoyance and intrusive and are too closely related to telemarketing. Some of these ads may even cost the consumer for the data they use. Recommendations I recommend that Crispy Crunch begins advertising with the use of rich media. I think this is best suited to reach their target group which has a high multi-tasking behaviour. Many people in the age group of 18-29 year olds have hectic schedules and are now watching episodes of their favorite shows online because they are not always able to watch it and this form of television has allowed them a more flexible lifestyle around their shows schedule. Rich media also provides 24/7 access, it can reach many people at once and it is not as invasive or annoying at other methods of advertisement such as direct response, text message or email while still being very cost effective. I would also urge Crispy Crunch to stick with their previous slogan â€Å"The only thing as good as your Crispy Crunch is someone else’s.†as well as the general message of the campaign. The ads were short, funny, and to the point. I think that the people in their target market have most likely never seen the previous ads or have forgotten about them. Sometimes bringing back the old is very well received. A&W did very well bringing back the vintage vibe of their restaurants. The ads from the 1989 campaign were very well received and upped market share then and I’m sure they could do it again with the same overall message, they just need the attention.
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